Wednesday, November 30, 2011

The Muslim Brotherhood takes Twitter

Posted By Lauren E. Bohn

Miriam can't stop talking. And when she does, it's mostly to look down at a torrent of emails, SMSs, and tweets flooding her smartphone. It's been a heady nine months for the soft-spoken but sharp-witted 24-year-old Egyptian student turned activist. She's juggling the ordinary demands of a heavy course-load at Egypt's top university with a slew of extracurriculars (she's embarrassed to admit she's an avid squash player), but also working through the existential hangover of heavily participating in a leaderless revolution that's now causing more of a headache than a thrill. While polishing some academic work on the role of social media in Egypt's uprising, she's been ferociously tweeting on the country's virtual front-lines, fielding 140-character blows left and right. And she's doing it for the Muslim Brotherhood.
"Miriam" (she prefers to use a pseudonym, for "security reasons") is one of the admins of @Ikhwanweb, the official English-language Twitter page for Egypt's Muslim Brotherhood, one of the most.......... Read the rest of the article

Tuesday, November 29, 2011

Explainer: Egypt's Parliamentary Elections 2011



LOLZ: Australians can be so polite!


Melbourne Tower :
"Saudi Air 511  -- You are cleared to land on runway 9R."
Saudi  Air : "Thank you  Melbourne . Acknowledge cleared to land on infidel's  runway 9R - Allah be Praised."
Melbourne  Tower : " Iran Air 711  - You are cleared to land on runway  27L."
Iran   Air : "Thank you  Melbourne . We are cleared to land on infidel's runway  27L. -  Allah is Great."
Pause....
Saudi  Air :  " MELBOURNE TOWER - MELBOURNE TOWER !"
Melbourne   Tower : "Go ahead  Saudi Air 511..."
Saudi  Air : "YOU HAVE  CLEARED BOTH OUR AIRCRAFT FOR
THE SAME RUNWAY  GOING IN OPPOSITE DIRECTIONS. WE
ARE ON A COLLISION  COURSE . ... .. .. ... INSTRUCTIONS,  PLEASE!"


Melbourne   Tower : "Well bless  your hearts, and praise Jesus. Proceed to your destination and tell Allah we said "Hi".

Palestinian Reconcilliation: The Road of Slow Steps

It has been a while since I heard anything about Palestine. Although it was always a founding part of the news, at least here in Egypt, I haven't heard anything about it for a while. Maybe because of what's happening in Egypt itself. Anyway, thought I would give it a look and here is what I found........ It seems that the reconciliation is advancing with slow silent steps. I share here two peaces of news about the negotiations between Fatah & Hamas concerning the organization of elections in both Gaza & the Western Bank in order to end the current split.

Let's wait & see and of course wish them the best luck. 



EXCLUSIVE: Mahmoud Abbas Will Offer Hamas Elections in January, Says Aide


When rival Palestinian factions Fatah and Hamas agreed to bury the hatchet in Cairo , the reconciliation pact promised two things: New elections by May 2012, and a caretaker government of technocrats to run the Palestinian Authority until then. That was more than five months ago, and ever since the two sides have been jammed up on the question of who should run the interim government. With no resolution in sight, Fatah chief and PA president Mahmoud Abbas is proposing to skip the caretaker part and go straight to elections, senior Abbas aide Nabil Abu Rudeineh tells TIME. "We're suggesting January, because the law requires 90 days notice," says Abu Rudeineh. He adds that the proposal has been extended to Hamas informally but will not be officially on the table until Abbas meets with Hamas officials, probably early next month in Cairo. Both Abbas and Hamas chief Khaled Mashal will be in Egypt this week, but the Fatah chief, whose titles include chairman of the PLO, says the brief visit will be filled by meetings with the military leaders in Cairo. "I don't have time, only one night," Abbas says in an interview. "Maybe next time, by the beginning of next month."
If Hamas agrees, the stage will be set for an overhaul in Palestinian politics, and with it relations with Israel, the United States and a rapidly changing Middle East. The Palestinian Authority will almost certainly have a new president: Abbas, 76, has repeatedly insisted — to TIME as recently as last week — that he will not run for re-election, and has ordained no successor from the rolls of Fatah, the secular movement that long dominated Palestinian politics but is burdened with a reputation for corruption and incompetence. In fact the only previous time Fatah and Hamas faced off in elections, in January 2006 balloting for the Palestinian legislature, Hamas'surprise victory was regarded in no small part as a protest vote against Fatah's unresponsive reign.
(SEE: Pictures of life in Gaza under Hamas.)
But the Islamist party has problems of its own.  Analysts say it was widely viewed as the aggressor in the brief 2007 civil war that drove Fatah out of Gaza, a brutal internecine conflict that appalled Palestinians. With a boost from the Arab Spring, the public impatience with the ongoing rift  forced the reconciliation the two parties signed in Cairo last spring. Hamas also is burdened by low polls for its governance of Gaza, its longtime stronghold. As recently as March, a majority of Gazans said they supported "regime change."
The group got a significant boost this week, however, by winning freedom for 1,027 Palestinian prisoners from Israeli jails in exchange for Gilad Shalit, the young Israeli corporal Hamas held for five years after abducting him in a joint operation with other militant groups. The massive release stole the spotlight from Abbas, who just two weeks earlier was greeted as a conquering hero after defying President Obama at the United Nations by submitting an application for Palestinian statehood. His offer of elections may well burnish the U.N. application, as a statesman-like display of confidence in democracy. But the Shalit deal is structured to keep Hamas' success in the limelight: Roughly half the 1,027 were released Tuesday; the other half will be freed, amid similar hoopla, in two months.
(READ: Isolated and impoverished — why Hamas is losing in Gaza.)
New balloting would also give Palestinian a working legislature for the first time in years. The Palestinian Legislative Council elected in 2006 and seated in Ramallah has not met since the split between Gaza and the West Bank a year later. During that time, Abbas (whose own term actually expired in 2009) has ruled by fiat, while each faction persecuted the other, with Israeli troops arresting some Hamas parliamentarians on the West Bank. In fact, how Israel would respond to a government that includes Hamas is one of the major uncertainties embedded in any new elections. When the reconciliation was announced, Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu tried to pour cold water on it, saying Israel would refuse to negotiate with a Palestinian government that included a faction committed to Israel's annihilation, as Hamas' charter states. But that statement may no longer be in effect after the Shalit deal, which was nothing if not a negotiation with Hamas.
Finally, the prospect of early elections casts a new light on Abbas' demand that Netanyahu make good on a promise by his predecessor as prime minister to release still more Palestinian prisoners in the wake of the Shalit deal.  Among more than 5,000 Palestinians still in Israeli prisons is one who polls consistently show winning the presidency of the Palestinian Authority — Marwan Barghouti. In some polls, the Fatah activist wins even if he runs from his cell.


Palestinian elections to be held on May 4, Mahmoud Abbas hopes

Mahmoud Abbas, the Palestinian leader, has said he hoped elections will be held on May 4 next year in polls meant to end the division between Hamas and Fatah. 

 2:43PM GMT 28 Nov 2011

The Palestinians have been divided between two governments since Hamas militants overran the Gaza Strip in 2007. Hamas controls Gaza, while Abbas' Palestinian Authority governs in the West Bank.
"I hope, God willing, that the elections will be on May 4," Mr Abbas said during a visit to Vienna.
The comments followed Mr Abbas's reconciliation talks last week in Cairo with Hamas chief Khaled Meshaal aimed at cementing a stalled unity deal signed six months ago.
In Cairo, Mr Abbas and Mr Meshaal approved a two-page document reiterating their commitment to the main elements of the original deal, saying they would establish a joint government after elections in May 2012.
Hailing a new era of "partnership," they pledged to resolve the issue of political prisoners "within days" and said they would put together a temporary cabinet of independents, to be agreed upon next month.
In Vienna, Mr Abbas stressed that this interim government, paving the way for the parliamentary and presidential elections, would not be dominated by either side.
"The interim government will be made up of technocrats and independent members. ... This will not be a government of either Fatah or of Hamas, but an independent one," Mr Abbas said.
Israel has expressed unease at the rapprochement, with Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu's spokesman on Thursday saying the closer Mr Abbas gets to Hamas, "the further he moves away from peace."
Mr Abbas also said in Vienna that the refusal of Hamas to recognise Israel could be addressed in the next round of talks between the two groups.
"I would wish that Hamas would agree to this," Mr Abbas said. "Maybe this will be an issue to talk about in our next meeting."
He said this was not discussed with Meshaal in Cairo.
"I think these talks were an important step. Of course they did not address all the issues, but both sides clarified their positions," Abbas said.
He said Hamas was ready to accept a Palestinian state within 1967 borders and that resistance would be "peaceful".
The United States and the European Union have said they will not work with a government that includes Hamas unless the Islamists recognise Israel, renounce violence and agree to abide by previous Israeli-Palestinian agreements.

http://www.telegraph.co.uk/news/worldnews/middleeast/palestinianauthority/8920775/Palestinian-elections-to-be-held-on-May-4-Mahmoud-Abbas-hopes.html 

Tahrir Square 30 years ago



Friday, November 25, 2011

رؤية "فوضوية": المرحلة الثانية من الثورة المصرية An Anrchist vision : Egypt in the Next Stage of Revolution



Posted by on Nov 24, 2011

Thousands have taken to Cairo’s streets and about 40 have been killed as government forces use live ammunition and large concentrations of tear gas on demonstrators. Despite the attacks, the people are determined not to allow continued military rule, and are demanding a handover of all government power to civilians.
The Egyptian revolution was not completed in February when Hosni Mubarak stepped down and left power in the hands of the Supreme Council of the Armed Forces. A cynic would describe this as a transfer of power from one wing of the armed forces to another. The SCAF is willing to share political power with politicians who are eager to share with them, but they appear unwilling to relinquish that power entirely.
But there is power in the street too. The government is unable to silence the people with deception or violence. The Muslim Brotherhood, whose leadership opposed renewed demonstrations in hopes of succeeding in upcoming parliamentary elections, has suffered from defections and internal opposition as some members have put the people before party loyalty and rejoined the revolution. It will be a hard struggle to take power from the hands of the military, and the people should not easily give up what they win.
The best result would be to keep power dispersed among the people: To develop the neighborhood and civil associations that people use to cooperatively fill each others’ needs, to topple the military leadership and put their arms under control of the people, to assemble revolutionary courts recognized by popular consensus and put those who have struck violently at revolutionaries on trial. While pursuing the necessary tearing down of the old regime, the crowd should not neglect building alternatives from the bottom up, or another authority will fill the gap left by their absence.
Fortunately, the process of organizing popular revolution provides foundations for institutions that can displace state control with consensual relations. Individual liberty can be best safeguarded, and material and social needs best realized, by voluntary organizations that operate for the benefit of participants and do not impose their will on peaceful people. Egypt does not have to be a centralized state, but can be a coalition of diverse popular networks peacefully cooperating on the basis of affinity.
Egyptians face the difficult decisions of how to proceed with a revolution that the current rulers and those who intend to share power with the current rulers are trying to hold back. This is a problem that might become more common globally as established powers continually fail to meet the expectations of people and make it clear that their power is based on acceptance of force. Whatever course is taken, liberty and the other needs of the people are best secured by building networks outside of the establishment power structures.

C4SS News Analyst Darian Worden is an individualist anarchist writer with experience in libertarian activism. He hosts an internet radio show, Thinking Liberty. His essays and other works can be viewed at DarianWorden.com.

Source: http://c4ss.org/content/9023

Cows with Guns

Watch Cows with Guns in Souls Gallery.   

Tuesday, November 22, 2011

Sally Toma's email to activists on the new government to set نص ايميل سالي توما عن الترتيب لحكومة الانقاذ الوطني



يا زملا
الاجتماع امبارح كان فيه عصف ذهني مهم جدا و خرجنا الحمد لله بأتفاق ان الكل موافق على أهمية حكومة انقاذ وطني و ان البرادعي يبقى متحدث عن ده و لكن غير شريك في كل المطالب الاخرئ.. بمعنى أننا نستغل استعداده للنزول و الضغط في المطلب ده.. برضو كلنا اتفقنا في أهمية ان المطلب ده هو سقف المطالب و مش لازم يحرق في اللحظة دي و أننا لازم نبني و نحشد ليه عن طريق المطالب الاخرى و نعلي السقف عند عدم الاستجابة لحد ما نوصل انه وجب تشكيل حكومة انقاذ وطني حالا!
سامحوني بحب اكتب بالعامية :)
كان عندنا بعض الأمور اللي لازم توضح عشان نتفق و نبدأ شغل و منها طبعا توقيت تشكيل الحكومة / توزيع الحصص في ضوء وجود مجلس/ أزاى نوصل للسقف ده و الخطوات اللي قبله/ يوم 18 نوفمبر / الانتخابات/ الجدول الزمني لتسليم السلطة..
المفروض كل واحد فينا كان هايفكر في تصور لكل ده.. أنا فكرت كتير و اتكلمت مع البرادعي و وصلت لنتائج كويسة لتصوري اللي أكيد هايتبلور بتصوركم يوم الاتنين..
المقترح:
الهدف الضغط لحكومة انقاذ وطني
1- تشكل بطريقتين: من تكنوقراط أو ائتلافية ( كدة الإخوان ضمن المبادرة). ممكن طريقة ثالثة: تراعي تقسيم البرلمان( حلوة للأخوأن لكن نبيعها ليهم أنها مش تنفع عشان الوطني اللي هايبقى في المجلس)
2- امتى تشكل و ليه: بعد أول مرحلة من الانتخابات. عشان كدة قبل ما المجلس ييجي و تبقى الأغلبية أخوان. مع الوضع في الاعتبار ان الإعلان الدستوري مش مدي صلاحية للبرلمان بتشكيل حكومة يعني ممكن إقناع الإخوان. و ان كدة ده مجلس شعب بدون صلاحيات و مش محتاجين نستناه. بعد يوم الانتخابات يمكن يكون فيه فشل و مجزرة و ده سبب قوي لتشكيل الحكومة للأمن و الاقتصاد و فشل المجلس العسكري و الفوضى السياسية.
3- ازاي نبني لده:
أولا: يوم 18 نوفمبر: مطلب جدول زمني لتسليم السلطة.. يمكن اعتصام. طبعا المجلس لن يستجيب. يومها في الميدان توزيع منشورات عن فشل المجلس في الادارة و ايه اللي ممكن حكومة انقاذ تحققه.. من غير مواعيد أو إعلان عن المبادرة لسة.
ثانيا: البرادعي و الإعلاميين هايخلقوا حوار مجتمعي عن الحكومة بس برضو من غير مطلب واضح لأن لسة الانتخابات ماحصلتش و حملة إعلامية.
ثالثا: أحنا هانشتعل على توزيع منشورات الأول توعية الخ.
كدة فيه حراك و فيه موضوع الجدول الزمني شغال و فيه كلام مع الإخوان.
رابعا: الانتخابات: يوم هايبقى فاشل بكل المقاييس في الأغلب و هائزيد لزخم الحاجة لحكومة انقاذ وطني.
خامسا: النقابات و كل الفئات اللي عندها مطالب لازم تنضم للمبادرة و تشوف الحل للمشاكل في حكومة انقاذ وطني فهانشتغل جامد على ده بطرق مباشرة و غير مباشرة بدعم الاعتصامات و الاضرابات الخ..
طبعا الأقباط و 40 الشهداء للحشد ..
سادسا: أحزاب الثورة متبنية لفكرة حكومة انقاذ وطني و جزء من دعايتها الانتخابية و ستساعد في الحشد عليها و على الجدول الزمني. أعرف المصري الديمقراطي مثلا يفعل هذا.
المقترح مثلا يوم 29 أو اللي تشوفوه : موءتمر صحفي كبير جدا بكل الشخصيات الوطنية و نعلن عن الاحتياج لحكومة انقاذ وطني للأسباب التالية:
1. دم و فشل الانتخابات (لو ما حصلش مش مشكلة لأن فيه 2 و3)
2. عدم الاستجابة للجدول الزمني ( لو ماحصلش مش مشكلة غيره :) )
3. فشل العسكر في ادارة المرحلة الانتقالية و ان الإعلان الدستوري لا يسمح بتشكيل البرلمان للحكومة و كدة هو صوري و المجلس مغتصب مصر.. و لازم تصعيد لإدارة البلاد و أنقاذ الامن و الاقتصاد حتي يكون فيه رئيس منتخب يشكل الحومة ( يعني من سنة لسنتين تقريبا بللي هما ماشيين فيه كدة)
المؤتمر هايعلن أمامكم من 10 أيام ( للي أحنا نشوفه) للاستجابة أو التحرير ( 9 ديسمبر أو اللي نشوفه)
طبعا كل ده تصوري بعد بلورة كل اللي قلتوه امبارح و اللي البرادعي موافق عليه و اللي. أكيد هاتبلوروا الموضوع اكتر بس يا ريت نيجي الاجتماع بافكار محددة عشان نشتغل أيا كان القرار لأن لازم التحالف بتاغنا يتواجد على الأرض و يلعب دور حقيقي في اللي جاي..
يوم 18 لازم له تجهيز لو هانشترك و مفيش وقت.
أقدر أقول ان كل حملة البرادعي بأمكانياتها أيا كانت هاتسخر للمقترح ده بعد موافقتكم و بلورتكم ليه..
عندي مقترح منشور بلدي:) ممكن ينزل التحرير 18 بس لخلق حوار و حالة.. هابعته في إيميل للي عايز يطبع 

نقلا عن:   http://ahmednaje.net/2011/11/

Sunday, November 20, 2011

Explainer: Why Egypt matters


With all the shit taking place in Egypt, with all the Egyptian blood spelled, with all the conflicts in which brothers and sisters became involved, and while watching Tahrir square and thinking why and how did objectives and methods dramatically change, I thought I would publish this article. I publish it with two main clear reasons in head. The first reason is to show those who aren't much concerned with Egypt, why the internal affairs of this country pop up from time to time intensively on his TV screen. The second and most important reason is to remind Egyptians currently trenched in hate, irrationality and drowning in fury  that they got a great country to build , take care of and a historical & natural burden to proudly bear. God Bless Egypt


The following article is by Roxanne Horesh & Sam Bollier

For much of its modern history, strategically located Egypt has been a pivotal force in the Middle East.
Since winning independence from the British in 1922, the country once known as "The Mother of the World" has been governed by kings and dictators. Many Egyptians grew to distrust politics and steered clear of elections.

Such apathy ended in January, when Egyptians rose up in mass protest and toppled Hosni Mubarak, a president who held power since 1981. Now, ten months after the uprising, Egyptians will go the polls on November 28 to select a new parliament.
Al Jazeera spoke to a range of influential experts about why the world should be watching as Egypt votes.

 

Derek Plumbly

Plumbly is a British diplomat who has served as ambassador to Egypt and Saudi Arabia.
Egypt is uniquely significant in the Arab world by weight of its population, its history, the role it played in modernising the Arab world, and the influence it had in the second half of the 20th century in furthering Arab nationalism. It made itself then very much the epicenter of the Arab world.
However, in the last couple of decades, the cautious policies adopted by the Mubarak regime reduced that influence significantly. But I think all the underlying factors are there, and the revolution has brought them back into play in a new way. Although the original inspiration came from Tunisians, it was really the shock of the January events in Egypt which sent vibrations throughout the rest of the Arab world. How the Egyptian revolution plays out is crucial for governance across the Arab world.
Elections are central to this. They will be conducted on the basis of a very convoluted electoral system, which I think anybody would find very difficult to understand. With only two weeks to go to the first round, decisions are still being taken with regard to important issues like the eligibility of candidates and overseas voting. The powers of the new assembly, once elected, are not yet clearly defined. And with all the discussion of process, one feels that political parties must have had difficulty helping voters to understand where they stand on key issues, including economic ones and issues of social justice.
Nonetheless, people I know are excited to have the opportunity to vote for the first time in genuine elections. Since the revolution, the message sent by events in Egypt has been confusing. The clarity of January's focus on freedom hasn't been there. The electoral process will be long and drawn-out, but hopefully it will be free and fair and thus bring new clarity, and a new legitimacy. Tunisia's elections went well. If those in Egypt, with its regional weight, also go well, it will give enormous encouragement to democrats across the region.

 

Khaled Fahmy

Fahmy is an associate professor of Middle Eastern and Islamic studies and history at the American University of Cairo. He is the author most recently of Mehmed Ali: From Ottoman Governor to Ruler of Egypt.
[These] elections are important for a number of reasons: It is the first free elections in modern memory since 1952. For the overwhelming majority of Egyptians, this is the first time they will go and vote in a free election. This is the election for a parliament that will form a constitutional assembly that will then write the constitution.
I don't think that the election will be a clear reflection of the different political factions on the ground, because the political landscape is still in the process of formation and is being reformed and reshaped from day to day. No election will be able to capture that rapidly changing system. In that sense, it is not the upcoming election that will give us an indication of who is where and the relative strength of the different forces in Egypt, but rather the following election. That doesn't belittle in any form or shape the significance of the election itself.
The biggest obstacle is the army, and the conflicting and confusing electoral laws that have been sent out by the army. It is effectively the army that is ruling the county. The military is trying to find a formula whereby it can guarantee its position in the post-election Egypt, so it has been trying different tactics. Earlier in the summer, it tried to have some type of an alliance with the Muslim Brotherhood, and that failed. Then it tried the liberal parties and again that failed.
In terms of actual concrete programmes of different candidates and parties, we haven't seen any real debate about the questions that led to the uprising in January. We don't have clear alternatives, except for the ideological ones - most seriously between secularists and Islamists. I think this is what the election will end up being about. This was not a revolution about or by Islamists, but the elections effectively ended up being an election about the role of Islam in post-revolutionary Egypt.
Historically, Islamists are the largest force whether we like it or not. Islamists have been hounded, oppressed, imprisoned, and have not been represented for the past 60 years. Even though it was not the Islamists that started [the uprising in] January, they stood to benefit most from it. It was the genie in the bottle and it is out now.
If you are asking me in a general sense I am very critical of Islamists, but I think this can only be a healthy thing for the region and for the world. September 11, 2001, was a very direct result of the lack of democracy in a place like Egypt and like Saudi Arabia, where very serious grievances have not been given the chance to be aired domestically. Allowing Islamists a role in the official political plane can only be a healthy thing, and we will see how they will perform in parliament.

 

Carrie Wickham

Wickham is an associate professor of political science at Emory University in the US state of Georgia. Her research focuses on the rise of Islamic activism in Egypt and other Arab states. Her latest book, Islamist Movement Change in the Arab World, will soon be published.
There are several aspects of the upcoming phase that will be crucial in determining whether or not a true and genuine transition to democracy is achieved.
The elections themselves will serve as a barometer of the Supreme Council of the Armed Forces' (SCAF) commitment to a truly transparent and fair electoral process. Among the things we need to be looking at are: Is the process fully supervised by judges? Is the process free of security intervention? Are independent election monitors going to be given the opportunity to observe the voting process?
There is also the issue of voter turnout, because the size of the turnout will indicate Egyptian citizens' faith in the democratic process. I would expect turnout to be very high.
I think that there are tradeoffs involved in holding elections sooner rather than later. Holding elections later would give newer parties more time to build an organisational presence at the grassroots level and reach out to voters. At the same time, though, it would also perpetuate the military's control over the political system and delay the transfer of power to elected civilian representatives of the people. I favour holding elections now, with the understanding that newer parties are going to be at a significant institutional disadvantage.
We have to remember the Muslim Brotherhood has itself committed to run for not more than 50 per cent of the seats. They have made a very explicit commitment from the outset to "participate, not dominate". I expect them to follow through with that for a wide range of reasons, including their own self-interest: They're fully aware that a Brotherhood-dominated parliament would create anxiety and apprehension among powerful actors, including the military and western governments.
I see even before the election there are signs of an embryonic national consensus. The Islamist and secular parties have made ideological concessions to each other. For example, secular parties, including the Wafd, have agreed to retain Article 2 of the constitution, which states that the principles of Sharia are the primary source of legislation, a point very important to the Brotherhood.
For their part, the Brotherhood has committed itself to the principles of party pluralism, peaceful alternation of power, participation not domination.  I think those concerned that the Brotherhood is going to use the electoral process to “seize power and impose its agenda on a reluctant citizenry” is truly overblown. Yet it remains to be seen to what extent the Brotherhood will exercise pragmatic self-restraint in the future.
For the aspirations of the revolutionaries to truly be fulfilled, it's not just a matter of holding elections. It's also a question of moving toward a deeper structural transformation of the authoritarian state system. I see the parliamentary elections as very important, but only a first step in a broader transition process that will need to incorporate other elements to fulfill all the potential of the Arab Spring.

 

Nabil Fahmy

Fahmy was the Egyptian ambassador to the United States from 1999 to 2008. He is now Dean of the School of Public Affairs at the American University in Cairo.
I think the parliamentary election matters even more than the presidential election. And the reason is the parliamentary elections are occurring first. Based on that election, the parliament will have an important role in defining the composition of the constitutional assembly, which will then write up the new Egypt constitution. [The elections' significance is] twofold: It's the first parliament after the revolution, and secondly, this will have a very important role in writing up the constitution.
I personally would have preferred to have the constitution written up first, and then held the elections for president and parliament in that sequence. That would have been the better approach to doing it, and there would have been therefore less political and more nation-building.
If we hold the elections peacefully, and the results come out representative of the public, this should be a very strong indication to the Arab world and everybody else as well that Egyptians again are pioneering the thought process, the nation-building process in our region.
I think you have to look at the Mubarak era carefully. I don't characterise it as being subservient to the US or Israel, I just see it as losing its energy, its initiative towards that last decade. When you lose your initiative regionally, somebody in the region will fill that void - a role which we normally played. I think they [the US] should continue to try to play a complementing role. The regions should be led by regional players with the global players supporting, but not necessarily defining the role.
Egypt's leadership role has traditionally been in its intellectual value added, not in its material support for one project or the other. This will bring us back to where we were in years past, leading the region intellectually.
I think the mere fact of holding the elections with all these competing parties responds to one of the issues [raised in the January uprising], which is people wanting to be stakeholders and participants in defining the politics of the region. [The election] doesn't respond to the larger questions: what is the role of religion in society, how do we balance the powers of the executive with the other organs of the state, the role of the military, the economic system.

 

Islam Lotfy

Lotfy is a lawyer and activist who was expelled from the Muslim Brotherhood when he founded the Egyptian Current Party. He writes the blog "al-Kawakby".
I think [the election] is very important, because it will show us if there is a real willingness to finish this transition period, or a willingness [to] vote for a new dictatorship in Egypt.
[An election] is the best choice at this moment because the alternative is nil. We know well it will contain a lot problems and fights and blood. Maybe we will have a lot of bloodshed. But I think we have no choice.
This is a time when all people [should] lift up their narrow affiliations, their ideologies, and target some national goals and cooperate together to do it. I believe that Egypt needs something like this during the next five years.
Religion plays a great and huge role in the life of the Egyptian person. The statistics show that 98 per cent of Egyptians believe that religion has an effective role in their life. The state is not allowed to use the religion to control the people, but if the people agree to self-monitor their conscience on their deeds and behaviors, [and] the agent of this is religion - this is the ideal case.
SCAF doesn't have the experience [on] how to be a dictatorship. So they are controlling the freedom of speech more than what Mubarak was doing. Once we switch the power to civilians, the freedom of speech will be better again.
They [the people] should have the chance to choose, and if we build a strong country and a good country which has a rule of law and is based on institutions, not persons, I will not care if the president is a Muslim, or Coptic, or a monkey. I don't care.


http://www.aljazeera.com/indepth/features/2011/11/201111181155455132.html?utm_content=features&utm_campaign=features&utm_source=twitter&utm_term=rss&utm_medium=tweet

Friday, November 18, 2011

الأخبار« تنفرد بأخطر تقرير أعدته لجنة تقصي الحقائق عن التمويل الأجنبي: قطر والكويت قدمتا ٦٩٢ مليون جنيه لجمعية أنصار السنة المحمدية السلفية

15/11/2011 09:30:28 م

متابعة: خديجة عفيفي
حصلت »الاخبار« علي تقرير لجنة تقصي الحقائق حول التمويل الاجنبي للجمعيات والمنظمات غير الحكومية التي تمارس نشاطها داخل مصر. الذي يتولي التحقيق فيه المستشاران سامح ابوزيد وأشرف العشماوي.
وجاء بالتقرير انه ورد إلي المستشار/ محمد عبدالعزيز الجندي وزير العدل خطاب أمين عام مجلس الوزراء المؤرخ في 6 يوليو 2011 بأن مجلس الوزراء قرر بجلسته رقم (17) المنعقدة بتاريخ ٣/٧/١١٠٢ ان يتولي وزير العدل تشكيل لجنة تقصي حقائق حول حجم واستخدامات المعونات الأمريكية الموجهة للمجتمع المدني المصري ومدي مشروطية هذه المعونات، وأن تتولي اللجنة إعداد بيان بملاحظاتها علي هذه المعونات ومشروطياتها واستخداماتها للعرض علي مجلس الوزراء في اجتماع قادم.
كما ورد إلي المستشار وزير العدل بتاريخ 7 يوليو 2011 كتاب وزيرة التخطيط والتعاون الدولي المتضمن اكتشافها قيام الحكومة الأمريكية متمثلة في هيئة المعونة الأمريكية بتقديم مبلغ 40 مليون دولار في الآونة الأخيرة تمويلاً لمنظمات المجتمع المدني المصري غير الحكومية وكذلك منظمتي NDI وIRI الأمريكيتين غير المسجلتين وغير المصرح لهما بالعمل في مصر، وذلك لدعم الديمقراطية حسبما صرحت به السفيرة/ آن باترسون المرشحة لخلافة السفيرة الأمريكية في القاهرة مارجريت سكوبي في جلسة استماع في لجنة العلاقات الخارجية في مجلس الشيوخ الأمريكي يوم 21 يونيو 2011.
وأضاف الكتاب الأخير أنه لم يتم التشاور بين الحكومة الأمريكية والحكومة المصرية قبل الإعلان وتقديم المبلغ المشار إليه وأن ذلك تم علي عكس ما هو متفق عليه مع الجانب الأمريكي بموجب خطابات متبادلة بين وزير الخارجية المصري الأسبق لنظيره الأمريكي وبين وزيرة التخطيط والتعاون الدولي بمصر والسفير الأمريكي والتي تنص علي قصر التمويل الأمريكي المباشر علي المنظمات غير الحكومية المصرية المسجلة في وزارة التضامن والعدالة الاجتماعية وفقا للقانون رقم 84 لسنة 2002 وعلي المنظمات غيرالحكومية الأمريكية التي أبرمت اتفاقا نمطيا مع وزارة الخارجية المصرية يرخص لها العمل في مصر.. فضلا عن نصها علي التزام الجانب الأمريكي بموافاة الحكومة المصرية بجميع الخطوات التي تتخذها الحكومة الأمريكية متمثلة في بعثة الوكالة الأمريكية للتنمية الدولية USAID لاختيار أو تقديم منح مالية لمنظمات غير حكومية مصرية أو أمريكية.. وبتاريخ 10 يوليو 2011 ونفاذا لقرار مجلس الوزراء أصدر المستشار/ وزير العدل قراره رقم 7218 لسنة 2011 بتشكيل لجنة لتقصي الحقائق وجمع المعلومات عن تقديم الحكومة الأمريكية مبالغ لمنظمات المجتمع المدني المصري وكذلك منظمتي NDI وIRI غير المسجلتين وغير المصرح لهما بالعمل في مصر بالمخالفة للقوانين.. وانه فور تكليف اللجنة بعملها بادرت بمخاطبة مختلف الجهات المعنية لموافاتها بالمعلومات المتوافرة لديها حول الموضوع.
٠٥١ مليون دولار
وقد تضمنت المذكرة المقدمة من وزارة التخطيط والتعاون الدولي أيضاً أنا " جيمس بيفير مدير بعثة الوكالة الأمريكية للتنمية الدولية في القاهرة قد أشار أثناء لقائه مع المسئولين في وزارة التعاون الدولي في 3 مايو 2011 إلي اعتزام بعثة الوكالة الأمريكية في القاهرة المضي قدماً في تخصيص مبلغ الـ 150 مليون دولار لمنظمات المجتمع المدني وبرامـــج الديمقراطيــــة رغم رفض الحكومة المصرية لذلك، كما أفاد بيفير أن الوكالة الأمريكية غير مسئولة عن عدم تسجيل المنظمات غير الحكومية الممولة من الوكالة الأمريكية في وزارة التضامن والعدالة الاجتماعية مضيفاً أن مسئولية التأكد من التسجيل من عدمه هي مسئولية الحكومة المصرية
وبعض البرقيات بالمعلومات الواردة من بعض السفراء المصريين بسفارات براتسلافا عاصمة دولة سلوفاكيا وسفارة واشنطن وبالإطلاع تبين ان السيناتور ماكين يقوم بتنفيذ عدة أنشطة في مصر من خلال مكتبه التمثيلي في القاهرة ( ماكين يرأس المعهد الجمهوري الدولي IRI - IRI لديه علاقات تعاون مع العديد من الجمعيات الأهلية في مختلف المدن المصرية (خاصة القاهرة والإسكندرية) جمعية (الأكاديمية الديمقراطية المصرية).
- أن هناك مؤسســــــة Pontis السلوفاكية (منظمـة غير حكومية) لها علاقة بمؤسسة IRI ولكنها أي Pontis سوف تركز تمويلها علي التعامل مع القطاعات المعرضة للخطر .
- وأن مؤسسة Pontis هي المؤسسة السلوفاكية التي خصها السفير الأمريكي في سلوفاكيا بأنها يمكنها تنفيذ مشروعات جادة في مجال التمويل الديمقراطي في مصر. كما تضمنت أن تحركات مكثفة من الجانب الأمريكي تتم (وفق برقية معلومات سفارة مصر في براتسلافا عاصمة سلوفاكيا)  لتمويل مشروعات تنفذها منظمات غير حكومية تابعة لدول سلوفاكيا وبولندا والتشيك والمجر داخل جمهورية مصر العربية.
- مؤسسة Pontis السلوفاكية تجري اتصالات مع منظمات أهلية مصرية وتستضيف ناشطين مصريين.
وتضمن برقيــــة تفيــد بأن شريف غنيم المدير التنفيذي للمجلس المصري لدعم المنظمات الأهلية وريهام عفيفي رئيسة جمعية " مصرية حرة " ومديرة البرامج بالأكاديمية الديمقراطية المصرية EDA المنشئة عام 2010 قد تم استضافتهما في سلوفاكيا بتمويل من سفارة سلوفاكيا في مصر.
- وقرر شريف غنيم في مؤسسة Pontis أن الجمعيات الأهلية أصبحت تتمتع بمرونة أكبر فيما يتعلق بقدرتها علي التحرك والتعاون مع الشركاء من الخارج وأن التضييق عليهم في الفترة السابق لم يكن بسبب تشريعات محددة.
- عبر شريف غنيم خلال اللقاءات التي تمت عن قناعته بالحد من نفوذ المؤسسة العسكرية والمؤسسة الدينية وإبعاد تلك المؤسستين تدريجياً عن الحياة السياسية في مصر. وأسهب في استعراض أهمية تمويل ودعم المنظمات غيرالحكومية في شتي المجالات لتصبح قوة قادرة علي الحوار بشكل ندي مع باقي السلطات في مصر.
كما ان شهادة السفيرة آن باترسون أمام مجلس الشيوخ الأمريكي في شهر يونيو 2011 والمرسلة من جانب وزارة التعاون الدولي جاء فيها:
وقيام المؤسسة الجمهورية الدولية باستطلاع رأي أوضح أن المصريين يعتقدون بأن العام القادم سيكون أفضل اقتصادياً.  والمؤسسة الديمقراطية القومية NDI والمؤسسة الجمهورية الدولية IRI تم استثمار موارد تقترب من 40 مليون دولار في هذه المنظمات علي مدار الأسابيع القليلة الماضية وأنها منظمات نشيطة في مصر وبالفعل تلقت هذه الموارد.
وتوزيع 35 منحة لمنظمات المجتمع المدني الصغيرة والكثير منها في الريف والتي تقوم بأداء ما نقوله ( أي الولايات المتحدة الأمريكية) كما أنها تحاول أن تربط شكاوي الناس برغباتهم السياسية..ووجود طوابير من الناس حول مقار المعونة الأمريكية في مقابل احتجاج الحكومة المصرية علي تدخل الولايات المتحدة الأمريكية..وأن أموال تطوير الديمقراطية بلغت 65 مليون دولار..وحضور 600 منظمة جلسات لكيفية تطبيق هذه المنح الخاصة بتطوير الديمقراطية..ووجود مكتب المفتش العام في القاهرة والذي يتابع ويراقب المنح الصغيرة..ووجود تعاون في هذا المجال من حلفاء مصر في الخليج وأيضاً بنك الاقتصاد لاروي للإنشاء والتطوير. وبناء علي ما تقدم فقد استخلصت اللجنة من شهادة السفيرة آن باترسون أن مبلغ 40 مليون دولار تم توجيهه بالفعل لمنظمتين فقط هما معهد الحزب الديمقراطي ومعهد الحزب الجمهوري لدعم الديمقراطية في مصر وأن باقي مبلغ الـ 65 مليون دولار وهو 25 مليون دولار قدم بالفعل لمنظمات أخري غير معروفة لدعم الديمقراطية أيضاً في مصر. والاطلاع علي الوثائق التي يتم استخدامها في الدورات التدريبية السابق اضطلاع المعهد بتنظيمها خلال الفترة السابقة في محافظات مثل (كفر الشيخ، الإسكندرية، الدقهلية ).. وأن المعهد الجمهوري الأمريكي IRI قد أعد استبيان رأي شارك فيه حوالي 1200 مصري من مختلف الشرائح العمرية والمستويات الاجتماعية عن أهم المشكلات التي تواجه الشعب المصري وعدة أسئلة أخري.
جمعيات مرفوضة
كما تلقت اللجنة خطاب السيد الدكتور/ وزير التضامن والعدالة الاجتماعية المؤرخ في 10 أغسطس 2011 مرفقا به ملف تضمن ما يلي: 1- بيان بأسماء المنظمات غير الحكومية موضح به جنسيتها وقيمة التمويل والصادر لها تصريح من وزارة التضامن والعدالة الاجتماعية وتعمل وفقا للقانون 84 لسنة 2002.
2- بيان بأسماء الجمعيات الأهلية غير الحكومية المصرح لها بالعمل من قبل وزارة التضامن والتي استفادت من تمويل خارجي خلال الفترة من ١/٧/٠١٠٢ حتي ٠٣/٦/١١٠٢.
3- بيان بالمنح والهبات المالية لبعض الجمعيات المرفوضة وسبب الرفض.
4- بيان ببعض المنظمات غير الحكومية وغير مسجلة بالوزارة وحصلت علي تمويل من جهات أمريكية.
5- موقف المعهدين الأمريكيين (NDI معهد الحزب الجمهوري وIRI معهد الحزب الديمقراطي).
6- القواعد المنظمة للسماح للجمعيات والمنظمات غير الحكومية بتلقي تمويل خارجي. وحيث أنه بمطالعة الملف سالف البيان تلاحظ للجنة أن هناك عدة جمعيات مسجلة وفقـــاً للقانـــــون 84 لسنــــة 2002 تلقت تمويلا خارج يثير الانتباه بل يصل الأمر - في تقدير اللجنة - أنه يثير الاشتباه في أن يكون ذلك التمويل مخصصا حقيقة لغرض الجمعية وذلك بسبب ضخامة مبلغ التمويل، ووقت حصوله، ووقت الموافقة عليه من قبل وزارة التضامن الاجتماعي، وتزامن ذلك كله مع الأحداث التي مرت بالبلاد في تلك التوقيتات.
تمويل من قطر
والوقائع الجديرة بالذكر والتحري عنها للوقوف علي مدي شفافية التمويل الخارجي وسلامته هي:
أولاً: تمويل مقدم من مؤسسة الشيخ عيد بن محمد آل ثاني من دولة قطر يصل مجموعه إلي (مائة وواحد وثمانون مليوناً وسبعمائة وأربعة وعشرون ألفا وأربعمائة وستة وثمانون جنيهاً مصرياً) لصالح جمعية أنصار السنة المحمدية "المسجلة قانوناً" تمت الموافقة عليه بتاريخ ١٢/٢/١١٠٢ من قبل وزير التضامن الاجتماعي السابق الدكتور علي المصيلحي.. هذا بالإضافة إلي حصول ذات الجمعية علي تمويل آخر مقدم من إحدي المؤسسات الكويتية، وهي "جمعية إحياء التراث الإسلامي" بدولة الكويت، بلغ مقدارها (مائة وأربعة عشر مليوناً وأربعمائة ثلاثة وتسعون ألف وستمائة ثلاثة وأربعون جنيهاً مصرياً )، ليكون مجموع ما تحصلت عليه " جمعية أنصار السنة المحمدية " وتمت الموافقة عليه بتاريخ 21/2/2011 مبلغ وقدره (مائتان وستة وتسعون مليونا ومائتان وثمانية عشر ألفا وثلاثمائة وأربعون جنيهاً مصرياً ).
كما تبين أن مبلغ ال 296 مليون جنيه هو أضخم وأكبر مبلغ يرد في صورة تبرع من الخارج لجمعية أهلية في عامي 2010 و2011 علي مستوي جميع مديريات التضامن الاجتماعي في الجمهورية، بل وهو أيضاً أضخم مبلغ يرد (علـــي الإطـــــلاق) كتبرع في شهر واحد بالمقارنة مع مجموع المبالغ التي ترد لجميع الجمعيــــات الأهلية علي اختلاف أنواعها في أي شهر طوال عامي 2010 و2011.. والجدير بالذكر في هذا المقام أن كل محاولات الجهات المانحة تمويل تلك الجمعية من قبل كانت تقابل بالرفض الأمني. .ولم تقم وزارة التضامن بالرد علي استفسارات لجنة تقصي الحقائق فيما يتعلق بجمعية كاريتاس، وجمعية محمد علاء مبارك، والهيئة القبطية الإنجيلية..وبناءً علي ما تقدم وبالتحري عن نشاط وانتماءات وأغراض جمعية أنصار السنة المحمدية تبين أنها ذات ميول تتصل بالتيار السلفي وأن الأغراض المعلن عنها لدي وزارة التضامن بشأن هذه الأموال هي مساعدة الفقراء وكفالة الأيتام وترميم وإنشاء المساجد، وهي أغراض لا تتفق مع حجم التمويل الوارد إليها كما أسلفنا، مما يثير الشبهة في نشاط هذه الجمعية وما تم صرفه من هذا التمويل المقدم. كذلك تلاحظ للجنة من خلال الأوراق المرسلة من وزارة التضامن أن مبلغ الـ 181 مليون جنيه الذي تم تحويله إلي جماعة أنصار السنة المحمدية قد خصص منه مبلغ 30 مليون جنيه فقط للصرف علي كفالة اليتيم ورعاية الفقراء بينما تم توجيه مبلغ 133 مليون جنيه للصرف علي ما تمت تسميته " بقضايا تنموية مختلفة "..وفيما يتعلق بالمنظمات غير الحكومية المصرية أو الأجنبية (الأمريكية ) التي تعمل في برنامج ( الديمقراطية والحكم ) فقد أفاد البيان المقدم من وزارة التضامن الاجتماعي ما يأتي:أن وزارة التعاون الدولي خاطبت أكثر من مرة وزارة التضامن الاجتماعي لإعلامها أن " الوكالة الأمريكية " أبلغتها أنها تعتزم تمويل بعض المنظمات غير الحكومية " منها منظمات مصرية وأخري أمريكية "، وجميعها تعمل فـــي برنامج " الديمقراطية والحكم " ، وأن بعض هذه المنظمات الأمريكية إما لديها اتفاق مع " وزارة الخارجية " بالفعل، أو بصدد إبرام هذا الاتفاق، ومن ثم تتوافر إمكانية الحصول علي ترخيص لها بالعمل في مصر. ومن بين المنظمات التي تم تمويلها، منظمة المعهد الوطني الديمقراطي الأمريكية، ومنظمة المعهد الجمهوري الأمريكية.
ثالثاً: مؤسسة محمد علاء مبارك:
- تم تحويل مبلغ 86 مليوناً و150 ألف جنيه مصري إلي مؤسسة " محمد علاء مبارك " وذلك علي التفصيل الآتي:
- مبلغ 28 مليون و500 ألف جنيه  مصري كتبرع وارد من " دولة الإمارات العربية المتحدة " بتاريخ ٢/٩/١١٠٢.
- مبلغ 29 مليونا و200 ألف جنيه كتبرع وارد من مؤسسة " منارة الإمارات العربية المتحدة بأبو ظبي " بتاريخ ٤٢/١/١١٠٢.
- مبلغ 28 مليونا و450 ألف جنيه من " وزارة المالية بسلطنة عمان " بتاريخ ٤١/٧/١١٠٢ .
رابعاً: جمعية كاريتاس:  تبين تحويل مبالغ مقدارها حوالي 155 مليوناً و734 ألف جنيه إلي هذه الجمعية علي النحو التالي:  شهر نوفمبر 2010 تم تحويل 79 مليوناً و625 ألف جنيه وفي شهر فبراير 2011 (21 فبراير ) تم تحويل مبلغ ( 76 مليوناً و109 ألاف جنيه ). وما تلحظه اللجنة بشأن هاتين الجمعيتين ( محمد علاء مبارك وكارتياس ) ضخامة المبالغ النقدية المحولة لهما قبل وبعد اندلاع ثورة 25 يناير .2011
http://www.akhbarelyom.org.eg/issuse/detailze.asp?mag&field=news&id=55863&fb_source=مسج






The Invasion of the Hummus

Watch The Invasion of the Hummus in Souls Gallery

Tuesday, November 15, 2011

The Rising Threat from Nigeria's Boko Haram Militant Group

By Scott Stewart

The U.S. Embassy in Abuja, Nigeria, issued a warning Nov. 5 indicating it had received intelligence that the Nigerian militant group Boko Haram may have been planning to bomb several targets in the Nigerian capital during the Muslim holiday of Eid al-Adha, also known as Eid al-Kabir, celebrated Nov. 6-8. The warning specifically mentioned the Hilton, Nicon Luxury and Sheraton hotels as potential targets.

The warning came in the wake of a string of bombings and armed attacks Nov. 4 in the cities of Maiduguri, Damaturu and Potiskum, all of which are located in Nigeria’s northeast. An attack also occurred in the north-central Nigerian city of Kaduna. The sites targeted in the wave of attacks included a military base in Maiduguri and the anti-terrorism court building in Damaturu. Militants reportedly attacked these two sites with suicide vehicle-borne improvised explosive devices (VBIEDs). The Nigerian Red Cross reported that more than 100 people were killed in the attacks, while some media reports claimed the death toll was at least 150.

According to AFP, a spokesman for Boko Haram claimed responsibility for the attacks Nov. 5 and threatened more attacks targeting the Nigerian government until “security forces stop persecuting our members and vulnerable civilians.” On Nov. 7, a Boko Haram spokesman claimed that his group employed only ............... Read the full Analysis

Sunday, November 13, 2011

What facebook knows about you

Private Security Industry Booming, Says Small Arms Survey

By Thalif Deen

UNITED NATIONS, Jul 6, 2011 (IPS) - A booming private security industry - triggered mostly by terrorist threats, domestic insurgencies and drug wars - deploys some 20 million armed personnel worldwide: twice the number of police officers, according to the annual 2011 Small Arms Survey released here.

 


Outside of war zones in Asia and Africa, the Latin American region has the highest ratio of arms per employee: about 10 times higher than in Western Europe.

Keith Krause, director of the Small Arms Survey Programme, says in prisons, at airports, along borders, and on the street, security provision is increasingly in the hands of private actors.

"The key question to which we don’t know the answer is whether these evolving arrangements are enhancing or impairing security," he adds.

In some countries, the survey points out, the 20 million figure represents a doubling or even a tripling of the number of private security workers over the past 10-20 years.

Government outsourcing of many security functions appears to be driving the boom, among other factors. Still, despite the rapid growth of the sector, private security personnel hold far fewer firearms than do state security forces, according to the survey.

A review of data for 70 countries reveals they hold.................Read the full article in the War Room

Thursday, November 3, 2011

Anonymous vs. Zetas Amid Mexico's Cartel Violence


By Scott Stewart
The online activist collective Anonymous posted a message on the Internet on Oct. 31 saying it would continue its campaign against Mexican criminal cartels and their government supporters despite the risks.
The message urged inexperienced activists, who might not be practicing proper online security measures, to abstain from participating. It also urged individuals associated with Anonymous in Mexico not to conduct physical pamphlet drops, participate in protests, wear or purchase Guy Fawkes masks, or use Guy Fawkes imagery in their Internet or physical-world activities. Guy Fawkes was a British Roman Catholic conspirator involved in a plot to bomb the British Parliament on Nov. 5, 1605. The British celebrate the plot’s failure as Guy Fawkes Day each Nov. 5. In modern times, the day has come to have special meaning for anarchists. Since 2006, the style of the Guy Fawkes mask used in the movie “V for Vendetta” has become something of an anarchist icon in the United Kingdom and elsewhere.
It was no coincidence, then, that in an Oct. 6 video Anonymous activists set Nov. 5 as the deadline for Los Zetas to release an Anonymous associate allegedly kidnapped in Veracruz. The associate reportedly was abducted during an Anonymous leaflet campaign called “Operation Paperstorm.”
The Oct. 31 message acknowledged that the operation against Los Zetas, dubbed “Operation Cartel,” would be dangerous. It noted that some members of the collective would form a group of trusted associates to participate in a special task force to execute the operation. It asked supporters to pass information pertaining to drug trafficking to the Operation Cartel task force for publication on the Internet via a software tool developed by Anonymous that permits the anonymous passing of information.
When discussing Anonymous, it is important to remember that Anonymous is not a hierarchical organization, but rather a collective of activists. Individuals who choose to associate themselves with the collective frequently disagree over issues addressed by the collective and are free to choose which actions to support and/or participate in.
With Nov. 5 approaching, and at least some elements of Anonymous not backing down on their threats to Los Zetas, we thought it would be useful to provide some context to the present conflict between Anonymous and Los Zetas and to address some of its potential implications.

Context

The Mexican port city of Veracruz has been the epicenter of this event. Veracruz has been a busy place over the past few months in terms of Mexico’s cartel wars. The port serves as a critical transportation hub for Los Zetas narcotics smuggling. Because of this, STRATFOR has identified Veracruz as a bellwether for determining Los Zetas’ trajectory in the coming months.
In a major recent development in Veracruz, the Sinaloa cartel began an offensive into the Zetas stronghold using the Cartel de Jalisco Nueva Generacion (CJNG), which, under the name “Matazetas” (Spanish for “Zeta killers”), conducted high-profile body dumps of more than 50 alleged low-level Zetas operatives on Sept. 20 and Sept. 22. On Oct. 25, Mexican marines arrested Carlos Arturo Pitalua-Carillo, also known as “El Bam Bam,” who was the Zetas’ plaza boss in Veracruz. The Zetas in Veracruz thus are feeling pressure from both the Mexican government and the CJNG.
The Anonymous Internet collective entered this dynamic in August with its activities in Veracruz. It is common knowledge that members of local, state and federal governments in Mexico support various cartel groups. In the state of Veracruz, it is generally believed that some members of the state government support Los Zetas, the dominant cartel there. In response to this corruption, some who have associated themselves with Anonymous launched Operation Paperstorm. These activists distributed leaflets throughout Veracruz denouncing the state government for supporting Los Zetas. They conducted leaflet distributions Aug. 13, Aug. 20 and Aug. 29. They also released videos on the Internet on Aug. 26 and Aug. 29 condemning the Veracruz state government.
Activities outside Veracruz also played a part in setting the stage. On Sept. 13, the bodies of two people who had been tortured and killed were hung from a pedestrian overpass in Nuevo Laredo, Tamaulipas state. Signs left with the bodies said Los Zetas had killed the pair because they had posted information pertaining to the Zetas on blogs that specialize in reporting on the Mexican cartels. On Sept. 26, the decapitated body of Marisol Macias Castaneda was found in a park in Nuevo Laredo. Macias, who worked for a local newspaper, allegedly posted on cartel blogs using the nickname “Laredo Girl.” A message found with her body said the Zetas killed her due to her online activities.
Following the death of Laredo Girl, Anonymous claimed responsibility for a distributed denial of service attack against the official website of the state of Veracruz. Although her murder occurred outside of the state, Anonymous said its attack on the Veracruz website was in response to Laredo Girl’s death. This indicates that activists understand that Los Zetas are active in both areas and suggests that Veracruz state-based activists are driving the Anonymous campaign against Los Zetas.
Significantly, some individuals associated with Anonymous already were unhappy with the state of Veracruz over its decision to prosecute two individuals who had posted kidnapping reports on Twitter on Aug. 25 that proved false. According to the reports, a group of children had been abducted from a Veracruz school. The inaccurate reports allegedly caused some two dozen traffic accidents as terrified parents rushed to the school to check on their children. The so-called Twitter terrorists initially were charged with offenses that could have carried a 30-year sentence. Some associated with Anonymous, which has absolute freedom of speech on the Internet as one of its foundational principles, took umbrage at the prospect of such stiff penalties — especially given the stark contrast with the impunity enjoyed by many cartel figures in Mexico.
STRATFOR began to focus on the story following the Oct. 6 release of the video in which Anonymous activists threatened to release information about individuals cooperating with Los Zetas if the Zetas did not release the Anonymous activist kidnapped during Operation Paperstorm. In light of the approaching Nov. 5 deadline, we published an analysis of the topic on Oct. 28; the topic subsequently received a great deal of media coverage.
This publicity has generated a very interesting response from Anonymous that emphasizes that it is a collective, not an organization. Some Anonymous activists began to back off the issue, erasing online user accounts formerly associated with the campaign, suggesting the operation against Los Zetas had been a hoax and claiming that no activist had been kidnapped. Other activists suggested that the campaign was dangerous, ill-advised and should be suspended. Still other activists became more strident and determined in their posts, urging that the campaign continue. As noted, Anonymous’ collective nature means activists can select the actions they participate in, including Operation Cartel. It would only take one dedicated individual to continue the operation.
The will to continue was manifested Oct. 29 with the hacking of the personal website of Gustavo Rosario Torres, the former attorney general of the Mexican state of Tabasco. The site was defaced with a message from Anonymous Mexico stating that Rosario is a Zeta. Rosario has long been accused in the Mexican and international media of protecting Los Zetas, and videos long have circulated on YouTube making the same charge. The hacking of his website thus did not provide any startling revelation; Anonymous will have to uncover and publish original and timely information if it hopes to do much damage to Los Zetas.
The determination by some activists to continue the operation against Los Zetas also was reflected in the tone of the Oct. 31 message. Some activists associated with Anonymous clearly feel compelled to continue with the campaign over what they have characterized as an outpouring of public support in the wake of the media coverage. According to their Oct. 31 video statement:
“We received many expressions of support and solidarity as well as the voices of people crying for help. We must remember that we are on the side of the people, and we cannot let down the people, especially in critical moments like the one they currently live in.”
We therefore anticipate that some Anonymous activists will continue the campaign. We also believe that Los Zetas will respond.

Blowback

Mexico’s various cartels long have used the Internet to trumpet their triumphs on the battlefield and to taunt and even degrade their enemies. The cartels have posted videos of the torture, execution and desecration of the corpses of rivals. They also frequently monitor narcoblogs and sometimes even post on them. As demonstrated by the September blogger killings in Nuevo Laredo, Los Zetas appear to possess at least some rudimentary capability to trace online activity to people in the physical world. They are known to employ their own team of dedicated cyber experts and to have sources within the Mexican government.
In addition to technical intelligence, the Zetas can use old-fashioned human intelligence to track down their online enemies. People sometimes discuss their online identities with family and friends, and such information can be overheard and passed to Los Zetas in return for money. This danger was recognized in the Oct. 31 video from Anonymous that urges participants in their campaign not to discuss their activities with anyone.
In past Anonymous actions, like the December 2010 attack against PayPal after the WikiLeaks scandal broke, the U.S. and British governments arrested numerous individuals associated with Anonymous who allegedly participated in the attacks. In June 2011, Turkey arrested dozens of activists associated with Anonymous actions conducted against the Turkish government in response to its plan to establish a national Internet-filtering system. This indicates that some activists associated with Anonymous are not nearly as anonymous as they would like to be. Every action on the Internet leaves some sort of trail, making it very difficult to be truly anonymous.
Like other Mexican cartels, Los Zetas do not take affronts lightly. Even if Anonymous cannot provide information that damages Los Zetas smuggling operations, the very fact that the collective has decided publicly to challenge Los Zetas will result in some sort of response. The big question is whether the Zetas possess the capability to trace the organizers of the Anonymous action?
One challenge with tracking an entity such as Anonymous is that it is intentionally amorphous. It is also as transnational as the Internet, and it would be unsurprising if many of those chosen to participate in the operation against Los Zetas are located in the United Sates, Europe and other areas that are outside the Zetas’ immediate reach.
The amorphous nature of Anonymous can also cut the other way, however. If Los Zetas abduct and execute random patrons at an Internet cafe, behead them and place Guy Fawkes masks on their heads, it will be very difficult to prove that they were not associated with Anonymous. Los Zetas also could execute random people and claim they had provided Anonymous with information in order to intimidate people from actually cooperating with Anonymous. As Anonymous noted in its Oct. 31 video, this is dangerous business indeed.

The Big Picture

How the Mexican public reacts to the Anonymous operation must be watched. The criminal cartels and their violence have deeply affected many people in Mexico’s middle and upper classes. STRATFOR talks to many people in Mexico who fear that they or a family member will be kidnapped. In many communities, especially places like Ciudad Juarez, Torreon, Monterrey and Veracruz, businessmen find themselves in a terrible bind. They face ever-increasing extortion demands from the cartels while their business revenues dwindle because the violence associated with those same cartels has frightened people into not going out. This is forcing many small businesses to close. It also is creating a great deal of frustration and resentment.
At the same time, Mexico has become one of the most dangerous countries in the world for journalists, and many media organizations practice heavy self-censorship to protect themselves. In the wake of the September blogger killings, some of the narcoblogs, like Blog del Narco, have exhibited strong signs of self-censorship inspired by fear. As a result, many Mexicans believe the mainstream media are not of any real assistance in the face of cartel violence.
Mexican citizens also are frustrated with their government, which, as noted, is well-known for corruption. This sentiment is feeding Anonymous’ original campaign in Veracruz. This frustration even has led some people to begin discussing the creation of vigilante groups to fight the cartels — though this has been attempted before in Mexico. As we saw in the case of La Familia Michoacana, which began as such a vigilante group, vigilantism frequently does not end well.
This is where Anonymous may fit in. With Mexican citizens unable to rely on their government, the media or even armed vigilante groups for assistance, they may embrace Anonymous, coming to view its form of cybervigilantism as an outlet for their frustration. If Anonymous is perceived as a safe way to pass information pertaining to cartel activities, we may see people from all over the country begin to share intelligence. Such human intelligence could very well prove to be far more damaging to the cartels than any information Anonymous activists can dredge up electronically. As this operation is becoming more widely publicized, the pool of people outside Mexico who might wish to participate will likely grow. The number of people inside Mexico who wish to provide information might grow as well.
Anonymous has taken on many powerful entities in the past, such as major transnational corporations and governments. But the repercussions from participating in such operations were never as grave for online activists as they are in this case. Being identified and detained by Scotland Yard or the FBI is a far different situation than being identified and detained by Los Zetas.
http://www.stratfor.com/weekly/20111102-anonymous-vs-zetas-amid-mexico-cartel-violence?utm_source=freelist-f&utm_medium=email&utm_campaign=111103&utm_term=sweekly&utm_content=readmore&elq=7e19c2a1428b45ea9b018e7d5d0adb40

Wednesday, November 2, 2011

Analysis of Egypt’s 2011 Parliamentary Electoral System

Analysis of Egypt’s 2011 Parliamentary Electoral System provides insight into the election laws regulating parliamentary elections in Egypt. It sheds light into the current electoral system, its impact on electoral stakeholders such as political parties, voters and disenfranchised groups, including women and Coptic Christians. The paper also touches on the changes the electoral law has undergone during the transitional period.
Other key areas covered in the paper include the effect of occupational quota on the electoral system and the formula for allocation of proportional representation seats.

Elections in Egypt: Analysis of the 2011 Parliamentary Electoral System can be accessed here.

For more information on IFES’ program in Egypt, as well as past Egypt briefing papers, please click here.

http://www.ifes.org/Content/Publications/White-Papers/2011/Analysis-of-Egypts-2011-Parliamentary-Electoral-System.aspx

Tuesday, November 1, 2011

Egypt's most famous spy on Israel dies at 74 Nov 1, 2011, 22:08 GMT




Cairo - One of Egypt's most famous spies, who convinced the Israeli intelligence agency Mossad that he worked with them during the War of Attrition between 1967 and 1973, died in Cairo Tuesday at the age of 74.
Ahmed al-Hawan died after a long fight against illness, and his funeral is slated to be held on Wednesday, Egyptian state media reported.
He had provided the Israelis with false military information with the help of Egyptian Intelligence from 1967 until 1973. He took from the Mossad a state-of-the-art transmission device that only the United States and Israel had back then, and gave it to Egyptian intelligence.
During the past few years, he criticised the government of ousted president Hosni Mubarak for not allowing him to receive proper medical treatment or a proper pension.
Egypt's current military ruler Hussein Tantawi ordered him to be treated after Mubarak's resignation in February.
In the late 1970s, his biography was made into a popular drama series, where his character became known as Goma'a al-Shawan.

http://www.monstersandcritics.com/news/middleeast/news/article_1672444.php/Egypt-s-most-famous-spy-on-Israel-dies-at-74

I-Cow App

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